Thursday, 17 February 2011

Wilileaks cables Oman

Reference ID
Subject
Created
Released
Classification
Origin
BRITISH AMBASSADOR LAUDS OMANI ROLE IN IRAN’S
ADMIRAL WILLIAM J. FALLON'S MEETING WITH SULTAN
OMAN REMAINS WARY OF IRANIAN EXPANSIONISM
OMANI GOVERNMENT REACTS STRONGLY TO SUGGESTION OF PATRIOT
This is the timed schedule of leaked cables from US embassy in Muscat Oman.
VZCZCXRO1333
PP RUEHBC RUEHDE RUEHDIR RUEHKUK
DE RUEHMS #0359 1011257
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
P 111257Z APR 07
FM AMEMBASSY MUSCAT
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 8079
INFO RUCNIRA/IRAN COLLECTIVE
Wednesday, 11 April 2007, 12:57
C O N F I D E N T I A L MUSCAT 000359
SIPDIS
SIPDIS
EO 12958 DECL: 04/11/2017
TAGS PREL, IR, MU
SUBJECT: BRITISH AMBASSADOR LAUDS OMANI ROLE IN IRAN’S
RELEASE OF CAPTIVE SAILORS
Classified By: Ambassador Gary A. Grappo for Reasons 1.4 (b, d)
1. (C) During a May 11 meeting with the Ambassador, British Ambassador Noel Guckian expressed great satisfaction with Oman’s efforts to facilitate the release of the 15 members of the British Royal Navy seized by Iranian forces on March 23. Guckian stated that he had been in near daily contact with Omani Minister Responsible for Foreign Affairs Yousef bin Alawi during the crisis, and that bin Alawi had been “very supportive.â€‌ According to Guckian, bin Alawi called Ali Larijani, Secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, “a number of timesâ€‌ to urge the immediate release of the captive sailors.
2. (C) Guckian also confirmed that he received a phone call from bin Alawi on April 4 in the early afternoon informing him that Iranian President Ahmadinejad would shortly be making a public announcement which would be “very favorable.â€‌  Bin Alawi had apparently just received the news himself from Larijani. (Note: Guckian was at the Ambassador’s residence for a business lunch when bin Alawi called him. End note.)
3. (C) The UK Ambassador reiterated that the Omanis had been very supportive throughout the crisis and even credited them in some part for the successful outcome. It was an occasion, he concluded, when Oman’s “positive but non-substantiveâ€‌ relationship with Tehran actually proved useful to the Omanis and an important Omani ally. GRAPPO

VZCZCXRO2105
PP RUEHBC RUEHDE RUEHKUK RUEHROV
DE RUEHMS #0174/01 0610549
ZNY SSSSS ZZH
P 010549Z MAR 08
FM AMEMBASSY MUSCAT
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 9318
RHMFISS/CDR USCENTCOM MACDILL AFB FL PRIORITY
INFO RUEHEE/ARAB LEAGUE COLLECTIVE
RHEHNSC/NSC WASHDC
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S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 03 MUSCAT 000174 
 
SIPDIS 
 
NOFORN 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 03/01/2018 
TAGS: PGOV PREL PTER ENRG KWMN IR IZ MU
SUBJECT: ADMIRAL WILLIAM J. FALLON'S MEETING WITH SULTAN 
QABOOS 
 
Classified By: Ambassador Gary A. Grappo for Reasons 1.4 (b, d) 
SUMMARY 
1.  (C) Sultan Qaboos discussed both domestic and regional 
issues during his February 19 meeting with Admiral William J. 
Fallon, CENTCOM Commander.  On the domestic front, the Sultan 
described his desire to empower the government to be more 
responsive to citizen concerns.  Seeking to strengthen the 
role of Omani women, the Sultan plans to convene a conference 
in 2009 designed to increase the participation and leadership 
of women in all aspects of Omani society.  Sultan Qaboos also 
shared plans for continued infrastructure development in Oman 
and described efforts underway to obtain more natural gas. 
On Iraq, the Sultan advised against a premature withdrawal of 
U.S. forces and stated that more regional assistance would be 
forthcoming if Iraqis would "come together" to take charge 
of, and invest in, their own country.  Sultan Qaboos shared 
U.S. concerns about Iranian meddling in Iraq and elsewhere, 
but contended that Tehran knew confrontation with the U.S. 
was not in its interest.  Iran's "charm offensive" in the GCC 
had succeeded in lessening suspicions of some officials about 
the true intentions of Iranian policies.  End Summary. 
2.  (C) CENTCOM Commander Admiral Fallon, accompanied by the 
Ambassador, met February 19 with Sultan Qaboos bin Sa'id for 
approximately 2 hours at one of the Sultan's castles -- Husn 
al Shumugh -- in the interior of Oman.  (Note:  The Sultan 
was outside of Muscat on his annual 4-6 week "meet the people 
tour" during which he visits selected sites outside the 
capital.  End Note.)  The Sultan appeared in good health and 
was cheerful, although he commented that his role as ruler of 
Oman was demanding and did not allow him time to do all the 
things he wanted to do, such as reading more books.  "My 
office is wherever I am," he stated, noting that he 
constantly had to attend to paperwork and urgent requests 
from his staff, among other tasks.  The Sultan added that 
despite his busy schedule, he always made time to "watch the 
news," though he did not elaborate on his preferred media 
outlet. 
CONCERNS ABOUT IRAQ 
3.  (C) The Sultan expressed concern over a premature 
withdrawal of U.S. forces from Iraq.  Recognizing recent 
improvements in the security situation, he counseled that 
American troops should only leave "when the time is right." 
He stressed that Iraqis had to "take charge" of the fate of 
their country, but questioned whether the different factions 
would be able to "come together" to accomplish this.  He 
pointedly asked the Admiral, "Do you really think Prime 
Minister Maliki and his government are capable of pulling the 
country together?"  The Sultan did not directly respond to 
Admiral Fallon's comment on the need for assistance and 
investment for Iraq from elsewhere in the region.  Instead, 
he stated that if the Iraqi people helped themselves and 
invested in their own country, others would follow suit. 
4.  (C) The Sultan appeared to follow events in Iraq closely. 
 He commented, for example, that the Kurds had apparently 
"come out well" in recent central government talks on budget 
issues, and asked about the status of electricity production 
in Iraq.  The Sultan seemed to take a particular interest in 
Admiral Fallon's discussion of Iraqi Shia leader Abdul Aziz 
al-Hakim, including the status of Hakim's health and his 
possible successors. 
 
INFRASTRUCTURE DEVELOPMENT 
5.  (C) In addition to emphasizing the need for outside 
investment in Iraq, Admiral Fallon highlighted the importance 
of assistance from regional states for infrastructure 
development in Afghanistan and other Central Asian nations. 
Again the Sultan sidestepped the issue and shifted the 
conversation to the critical role of roads and highways in 
economic development.  He then mentioned infrastructure 
projects for Oman currently under consideration, including 
construction of a new dam and a freight rail line from the 
northern port of Sohar to the planned port in Duqm.  The 
Sultan hoped that the southern port of Salalah could be 
linked by rail to Muscat and, eventually, to other GCC 
states. 
 
MUSCAT 00000174  002 OF 003 
IRANIAN ISSUES 
6.  (C) The Sultan commented that the Iranians are "not 
fools," and claimed that Tehran realized there are "certain 
lines it cannot cross" (i.e., direct confrontation with the 
U.S.).  Regarding GCC relations with the Iranian government, 
he stated, "Iran is a big country with muscles and we must 
deal with it."  He continued that Iran's "charm offensive" in 
the region had achieved a degree of success as some GCC 
authorities (he did not mention names) were now less 
suspicious of Iranian intentions.  The Sultan added, 
laughing, that "I must say that as long as (the U.S.) is on 
the horizon, we have nothing to fear." 
 7.  (C) Responding to Admiral Fallon's frustration with 
Iranian interference in Iraq, the Sultan remarked that 
Iranian meddling abroad was "almost a game" to the regime in 
Tehran, and said that Iran's leaders would have to stop this 
practice if Iran wanted to "join the world as a noble 
country."  The Sultan hoped that Iraqi leaders would clearly 
tell and convince Iranian President Ahmadinejad during his 
upcoming visit to Iraq to cease Iran's unhelpful interference 
in their internal affairs.  On the possibility that Iran is 
waiting out the President's final term before re-assessing 
its strategy, the Sultan said that Tehran should realize that 
it has to deal with the U.S. as a country, and not just the 
current administration. 
THE SEARCH FOR GAS 
8.  (C) After noting Iranian dependence on imports of refined 
fuel, the Sultan described Oman's efforts to obtain more 
natural gas to fuel growing domestic power needs and 
large-scale industrial projects.  Oman had committed too much 
of its limited gas production to long-term liquefied natural 
gas (LNG) export contracts.  As a result, the government was 
trying to boost production by taking smaller and less 
productive gas fields away from Petroleum Development Oman 
(PDO) -- 60% owned by the government and 34% owned by Royal 
Dutch Shell -- and awarding them to outside companies such as 
British Gas and BP.  The Sultan claimed these firms were in a 
better position to increase productivity in these fields, and 
pointed to the progress of U.S.-based Occidental Petroleum 
Company in raising oil production in former PDO concession 
areas, such as Mukhaizna. 
9.  (C) Looking offshore, the Sultan said he hoped that new 
gas fields would be found in the Gulf of Oman to help ease 
the country's natural gas shortage.  India's Reliance 
Industries was currently exploring a deepwater oil and gas 
block in this body of water, but had made no significant 
discoveries yet.  Qatar would begin supplying gas to Oman by 
2013, the Sultan noted, but not in quantities sufficient to 
meet outstanding needs.  He added that Oman was still 
supplying limited gas from Musandam to Ras al-Khaimah in the 
UAE due to an agreement he made with its emir -- and which 
the Sultan felt he could not break -- well before Oman was 
squeezed for this resource. 
 
THE IMPORTANCE OF EDUCATION 
10.  (C) Sultan Qaboos shared that he placed a great deal of 
importance on education, and noted that a study of history 
provided the context needed to better understand present 
trends and events.  Regarding claims that some rulers in the 
region wanted to keep their people uneducated in order to 
more easily control them, the Sultan explained that this 
strategy could easily backfire as it also left the populace 
more susceptible to influence by extremists, such as the 
Muslim Brotherhood.  Former Egyptian president and 
pan-Arabist leader Gamal Abdal Nasser, the Sultan said, had 
"set the region back" by being "anti-everything" and engaging 
in vitriolic rhetoric designed to keep the masses ignorant. 
EMPOWERING THE GOVERNMENT AND WOMEN 
11.  (C) On domestic politics, the Sultan announced that he 
would hold the first-ever combined meeting of his Cabinet of 
Ministers and the Majlis al-Shura (the directly elected lower 
MUSCAT 00000174  003 OF 003 
house of Oman's bicameral advisory body) on February 26.  By 
meeting together, the Sultan hoped that the Cabinet and the 
Majlis would learn how to cooperate better and jointly focus 
on important issues.  He commented that both bodies also 
needed to "demonstrate more leadership" and avoid past 
foot-dragging on promises made to the populace.  "People need 
to see the results of decisions," the Sultan stated. 
12.  (C) Letting Admiral Fallon and the Ambassador in on a 
"secret," the Sultan confided that he planned to call for a 
conference of all "notable women" in Oman in 2009 in a bid to 
encourage Omani women to expand their participation and 
leadership in different aspects of Omani society.  Minister 
of Social Development, Dr. Sharifa bint Khalfan al-Yahyaiya 
(one of Oman's three female cabinet ministers) will chair the 
meeting on the Sultan's behalf.  Lamenting that no women won 
seats in the October 2007 election for the Majlis al-Shura, 
Sultan Qaboos observed that Omani women were stuck in 
tradition and needed to be empowered to "take more charge" 
and to be "less shy."  "Some customs (regarding women)," he 
added, "shouldn't be kept."  Nevertheless, gradual change is 
occurring in Oman, the Sultan asserted.  His philosophy was 
to "let it happen," rather than hold it up to public debate, 
as the latter course of action often led to factional 
fighting, internal strife, and other ills. 
A RECURRENT THEME: MORE RESPONSIVE GOVERNMENT 
13.  (C) In concluding the meeting, Sultan Qaboos returned to 
his goal of improving the responsiveness of the Omani 
government to citizen concerns.  He stated that he would be 
pressing "harder" on his ministers to engage in more and 
better public relations efforts before the Omani police and 
to effectively enforce their decisions so that the people 
could see the benefits of announced actions.  Giving one 
particular example, the Sultan said that rather than simply 
announce a new development project, the government should 
explain the downstream employment opportunities the project 
would generate for Omani citizens.  Effective cooperation 
between ministries and the Majlis Oman was also needed to 
strengthen the civil institutional framework in Oman, the 
Sultan added. 
 
COMMENT 
14.  (S/NF) In discussing his desire for operational change 
in the senior government ranks, the Sultan twice implied (but 
did not directly state) that such change was needed to 
prepare the country for his eventual departure from power. 
The Sultan's comments indicated that he may feel the 
government is too dependent on his authority and should be 
empowered to run more effectively without constant direction 
from the palace.  End Comment. 
15.  (U) This message has been reviewed by Admiral Fallon. 
GRAPPO

VZCZCXRO5264
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FM AMEMBASSY MUSCAT
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 9835
INFO RUCNIRA/IRAN COLLECTIVE
RHMFISS/COMUSCENTAF SHAW AFB SC
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC
RHEFDIA/DIA WASHDC
RHEHNSC/NSC WASHDC
RHMFISS/CDR USCENTCOM MACDILL AFB FL
RHBVAKS/COMUSNAVCENT
S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 03 MUSCAT 000565 
 
NOFORN 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 08/07/2018 
TAGS: PREL PARM IR MU
SUBJECT: OMAN REMAINS WARY OF IRANIAN EXPANSIONISM 
 
Classified By: Ambassador Gary A. Grappo per 1.4 (B and D). 
 
Summary 
1.  (S/NF)  Minister of the Royal Office and head of the 
Office of the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, 
Lieutenant General Ali bin Majid al-Ma'amari, reviewed Oman's 
view on Iran from a security perspective, highlighting Omani 
awareness of Iran's deceptive tactics and expansionist 
ideological desires in the region.  During an introductory 
meeting with NAVCENT commander VADM William Gortney, 
accompanied by the Ambassador, General Ali addressed the 
Iranian nuclear file, security in the Strait of Hormuz, and 
Iranian interference in the region.  Ali Majid's suspicious 
view of Iran stands in stark contrast to conciliatory if not 
obsequious public comments of Omani Minister Responsible for 
Foreign Affairs Yusuf bin 'Alawi regarding Iran and its role 
in the region.  End summary. 
Won't Oppose Further Sanctions on Iran 
2.  (S/NF)Characterizing Oman's preference for "frankness 
and clarity," General Ali began his comments on Iran by 
noting the reality of Iran as a nearby neighbor, which 
influenced Oman's relations with Iran.  Toward the end of the 
discussion, he compared Oman's normal relations with Iran to 
the relations of other GCC members with Iran.  Throughout the 
meeting, he frequently touched on the theme of how different 
Oman was from other GCC member states, whose real intentions 
and positions often eluded Omani comprehension. 
3.  (S/NF)  The Iranian nuclear issue stood at the forefront 
of the General's mind.  He described the nuclear file as an 
international issue, noting that resolution of this issue 
should be dealt with through international bodies such as the 
UN Security Council and the International Atomic Energy 
Agency (IAEA).  Oman would respect decisions of these groups 
and play its role in the international community.  Oman would 
not oppose imposition of further measures against Iran by the 
international bodies; however, Oman did not want to play an 
active role in advocating for such measures itself. 
 
Iranian Intentions Clear:  Stall for Time
4.  (S/NF)  Ali Majid stated that Oman was aware of Iranian 
stall tactics in the talks over the nuclear issue.  Instead 
of responding by the August 5 deadline, the Iranian side 
offered a new initiative for talks, confirming reports from 
the U.S. and others that Iran indeed is trying merely to buy 
time.  Letting the 5 August deadline pass in responding 
positively to the P5 1 proposal made the Iranian intention to 
stall "very clear to Oman."  The Ambassador noted that the 
U.S. has been working with allies around the world, and 
especially within the EU, to further restrict Iranian 
economic activity in an effort to influence Iran's position 
on the nuclear file.  General Ali agreed that sanctions to 
date were having an impact on the Iranian economy, despite 
Iran's public denials.  Moreover, he said, Iran believed the 
U.S. would never attack Iran, a belief that encouraged Iran 
to persist in its stall tactics.  Nevertheless, he advocated 
a non-military solution as the best option for the U.S., and 
suggested that over the long term, establishment of U.S. 
relations at some level with the Iranian government might 
enable the U.S. to better influence the Iranian government 
and people. 
 
Empty Threats Against the Strait 
5.  (S/NF)  Responding to the Ambassador's question about 
recent Iranian statements threatening the Strait of Hormuz, 
Ali Majid dismissed the threats as "empty words" and perhaps 
a feeble attempt to up its bargaining leverage vis a vis the 
P5 1.  VADM Gortney echoed the Ambassador's comments that 
such rhetoric negatively impacted the world's view of Iran 
and ultimately would undermine Iran's standing in the 
international community.  On this same issue, the General 
expressed his pleasure with the White House press statement 
on August 5 responding to the IRGC commander's comments 
regarding closure of the Strait, agreeing that Iranian 
closure of the strait would be suicide (i.e., more harmful to 
Iran's own economic interests).  He also commended the U.S. 
for not escalating the rhetoric but instead putting Iran's 
comments into proper perspective. 
 
Iraq and Iranian Expansionism 
 
MUSCAT 00000565  002 OF 003 
6.  (S/NF)  Prior to delving into the nuclear issues, Ali 
Majid acknowledged that Iranian interference in Iraq 
prevented achievement of a stable security environment there. 
 He allowed that, at a minimum, Iran indirectly supported 
Shi'a militia in Iraq.  Elaborating on his theme of "Iranian 
expansionist" ideology, he noted that the Iranian national 
radio broadcast commenced with the prelude "the voice of the 
Islamic Republic from Tehran."  Focusing on "from Tehran," he 
astutely raised Omani concerns that such language revealed 
Iran's true intentions:  a "greater Islamic Republic" with 
Tehran at its center.  He further speculated that Iran wanted 
to give the impression that the Islamic Republic might 
already encompass "Iraq, Lebanon, Syria, and even the Gulf." 
7.  (S/NF)  Ali Majid linked the nuclear issue and the 
interference in Iraq by speculating that a resolution might 
entice Iran into ceasing its interference in Iraq.  He 
offered a rhetorical question on whether Iran was serious 
about challenging the major powers or is it posturing in the 
media for domestic consumption.  He conceded that he truly 
did not know the answer, but that with Iran's continued 
attitude on the nuclear issue, the security situation in Iraq 
would remain unresolved.  Citing Oman's preference for a 
non-military solution, he nevertheless acknowledged that a 
nuclear-armed Iran as opposed to war with Iran posed "an 
extremely difficult dilemma for all of us." 
 
Playing to Their Domestic Audience 
8.  (S/NF)  Acknowledging Iran's revolutionary zeal, the 
General attempted to put Iranian public statements in 
perspective when he described as exaggerations those comments 
by Iranian President Mahmud Ahmed-I Nejad or other Iranian 
figures, particularly regarding military capabilities. 
"Countries that believe they have some specific military 
weapons advantages usually keep them secret," he averred.  He 
asserted that in the end, all power resided with Supreme 
Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. 
9.  (S/NF)  Ali Majid portrayed Shi'a ideology as another 
factor complicating possible military conflict with Iran. 
Iranian leaders would not balk at sacrificing a quarter of 
their 60 million citizens in a military conflict.  The Shi'a 
tradition of martyrdom spanned 14 centuries.  The annual 
self-flagellation of Shi'a over 1,400 years served as an 
example of this martyr psychology.  Beyond its Shi'a 
ideology, pride in its Persian national identity compelled 
Iran to demand international recognition and respect. 
 
10.  (S/NF)  Returning back to comments about GCC countries, 
General Ali singled out Kuwait, Bahrain, and Qatar as three 
Gulf countries that probably would want the U.S. to strike 
Iran.  However, he urged the U.S. to determine whether such 
voices were speaking on the basis of logic or emotion.  He 
likened private entreaties of these countries to the U.S. for 
military action on Iran to the Iraqi opposition in exile 
providing the U.S. false information on Iraq that led to the 
invasion of Iraq.  At the beginning of the meeting, Ali Majid 
had noted that, in contrast to Oman, other GCC members did 
not always speak with candor or clarity, leaving Oman to 
question the real motivations or intentions of its GCC 
brethren. 
11.  (S/NF)  Punctuating his comments about Iran's 
irrationality, Ali Majid pointed to Libyan leader Colonel 
Mu'ammar al-Qadhafi's recent comment that "Iran is crazy" not 
to pay attention to the history of Yugoslavia and Iraq, whose 
ignoring of U.S. pressure resulted in their collapse. 
Interestingly, he referred to Qadhafi's transformation from 
pariah to emerging member of the international community by 
noting that Qadhafi had once been "our enemy." 
Oman in a "Strategic Relationship" with the U.S. 
12.  (S)  Shifting from Iran, Ali Majid underscored Oman's 
"strategic relationship" with the U.S. and highlighted Oman's 
cooperation with the U.S. on counterterrorism issues.  He 
described Oman's zero tolerance for extremism and refusal to 
negotiate with terrorists as a policy established at least 
since 1970 (the year of the Sultan's assumed power).  Oman 
has been and continues to prepare itself to confront 
terrorism, he said, as it is not exempt from the plotting of 
terrorists.  While Oman is "encircled by problems" -- 
specifically mentioning Yemen, Iraq, Iran, and Pakistan -- 
MUSCAT 00000565  003 OF 003 
Oman remains vigilant in preventing such problems from 
reaching the Sultanate.  On the topic of Oman's partnership 
with the U.S., he harkened back to when the Soviets had 
sought a warm water port during the time of their invasion of 
Afghanistan and were rebuffed by Muscat as an example of how 
"Oman has stood at the side of the U.S."  He also highlighted 
the irony that now the world faced "not the Soviets but the 
Taliban."  He quickly followed this by noting that the U.S. 
would be wise to support talks with moderate members of the 
Taliban, which Oman encouraged as a way toward achieving 
security in Afghanistan. 
13.  (S/NF)  Participants in the meeting included VADM 
Gortney, the Ambassador, the admiral's executive officer, 
Embassy Muscat's OMC Chief, and GRPO (notetaker).  Sayyid 
Munthir bin Majid al-Sa'id, head of the Royal Office Liaison 
and Coordination Service participated as notetaker and 
translator for General Ali. 
 
Comment 
14.  (S/NF)  In light of recent, more conciliatory statements 
by Minister Responsible for foreign Affairs Yusuf bin 'Alawi, 
Ali Majid's blunt assessment of Iranian intentions comes as 
refreshing reassurance of the official Omani position on 
Iran.  While careful to flag Oman's longstanding preference 
for a non-military solution to the Iran question and, less 
directly, Oman's inability to actively confront Iranian 
obstinacy, the Sultanate nevertheless maintains a clear-eyed 
view of Iran, its increasingly threatening behavior and the 
potential repercussions for the region.  His comments 
regarding attitudes and perceptions of fellow GCC members 
were startling as they would appear to confirm oft stated 
views of GCC counterparts of Oman as the sometimes "odd man 
out" in the GCC.  Ali Majid's comments suggest that while not 
entirely comfortable with this, the Omanis acknowledge it. 
Ali Majid, as the Sultan's top security official and advisor, 
is known for taking a more hard-line view of matters relating 
to regional security.  However, given his closeness to the 
Sultan and his status as a member of the inner-most circle of 
the Sultan's confidants, such views to a senior U.S. officer
can be assumed to accord with those of Qaboos. 

VZCZCXYZ0000
OO RUEHWEB
 
DE RUEHMS #0071/01 0331443
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O 021443Z FEB 10
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TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 1190
INFO RHMFISS/CDR USCENTCOM MACDILL AFB FL IMMEDIATE
RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHINGTON DC IMMEDIATE
GULF COOPERATION COUNCIL COLLECTIVE
RHBVAKS/COMUSNAVCENT
RHMFISS/COMUSAFCENT SHAW AFB SC
C O N F I D E N T I A L MUSCAT 000071 
 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 2020/02/02 
TAGS: PREL MARR MOPS IR MU
SUBJECT: OMANI GOVERNMENT REACTS STRONGLY TO SUGGESTION OF PATRIOT 
OFFER 
 
CLASSIFIED BY: Richard Schmierer, Ambassador, Department of State, 
Embassy Muscat; REASON: 1.4(A), (B), (D) 
1. (C) Summary:  A recent New York Time's (NYT) article describing 
Patriot missile deployment to countries in the Gulf in order to 
counter Iran, assuage Israel, and reassure our Gulf partners has 
been disquieting to the Omani Government.  There has never been an 
official USG offer of Patriots to Oman, due in large part to the 
GoO's rejection of any undertaking that might include or would 
imply the presence of Patriot missiles here.  Oman's close 
partnership with the USG, particularly through the Base Access 
Agreement (BAA), is contingent on maintaining an extremely low 
profile and continuing the Sultanate's foreign policy objective of 
carefully balancing public perception of its relationships with the 
U.S. and Iran.  Press of this sort, however unintended, makes it 
extremely difficult for Oman to maintain that balance.  End 
Summary. 
Press Articles on Missile Defense in the Gulf 
2. (U) A NYT article appeared on January 30 titled "U.S. Speeding 
Up Missile Defenses in Persian Gulf," which quoted General Petraeus 
as saying that Patriot missile batteries would be located in four 
gulf countries, and noted that Saudi Arabia already has Patriots. 
An unnamed military official named the countries as Qatar, the UAE, 
Bahrain and Kuwait.   The version of this article syndicated by the 
NYT news service includes the sentence "Oman, which has always been 
sensitive about perceptions that it is doing U.S. bidding, has also 
been approached, but there is no deployment of Patriots there, 
according to U.S. officials."  (Note:  That sentence does not/not 
appear in the version currently available via the NYT website, and 
it is unclear to post if it appeared in the print edition on 
January 31; the syndicated version of the article is otherwise not 
substantially different from the NYT original.  End Note).   The 
item was picked up by regional press on January 31, quoting the NYT 
article and specifically noting that "Oman has declined the offer." 
On February 2, the private English daily "Times of Oman" carried a 
front page article titled "Missile Shield: Oman denies receiving 
any offer from US."  In it, Sayyid Badr al Busaidi, Secretary 
General of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA), is quoted as 
saying, "the Sultanate's position on such matters is firm and that 
it does not ... enter into alliances or axis (sic) against any 
state."  He stressed that Oman "does not allow its territory to be 
used to carry out any military operations against any country in 
the region." 
Oman is not Interested
3. (C) The Embassy has no record of a formal offer of Patriot 
missiles made to Oman by the USG.  However, a number of discussions 
have occurred in which USG intent was to gauge Omani interest in 
collective missile defense capability.  Oman has consistently shown 
a lack of interest and has politely declined to engage in 
substantive discussions on "shared early warning" systems, 
"integrated air defense,"  or "collective defense."  (Note:  This 
is likely due to its assessment that Iran does not pose an imminent 
threat, its desire to not needlessly antagonize Iran, and its 
distrust of fellow GCC members, making it unwilling to share data 
within that group.  End Note.)  Further, in official 
correspondence, the Ministry of Defence (MoD) rejected an offer for 
a "Missile and Air Defence Working Group" on February 6, 2009; 
rejected further offers for an "Air and Missile Defense Shared 
Early Warning (SEW) System" on March 30, 2009, citing Oman's 
"unwillingness to commit itself to a SEW"; and on July 22, 2009 
again rejected any participation in the "Air Defense Missiles 
Advanced Warning System" project. 
Direct Omani Reaction 
4. (C) The Omani Royal Office made contact with the Embassy on 
February 2 to express strong concern about the article and its 
repercussions, as that office had just received a pointed inquiry 
from the Sultan on this matter.  In a follow-up discussion embassy 
officer provided the history of discussions on the issue, of which 
the Royal Office was previously unaware, due to what was described 
as a "lack of lateral coordination within the GoO." 
5. (C) Comment:  The strength of Oman's immediate reaction, and the 
level at which it transpired, is reflective of the tremendous 
seriousness with which this matter is viewed by the GoO.  It is 
likely that one of the goals of Badr's media statement was to 
protect the U.S./Omani relationship, as any belief that the U.S. 
would attempt to utilize Omani territory in this way could 
potentially cause a public backlash that would jeopardize other 
aspects of our relationship.  The deployment of Patriots to Oman, 
especially with the goal of countering the Iran threat, would run 
completely counter to Oman's publicly-stated foreign-policy 
objectives.  Although they do not find the threat imminent, Iran is 
Oman's number one strategic threat; however, the GoO fundamentally 
believes the threat can be mitigated through careful management of 
the relationship.  Therefore, the GoO works very deliberately to 
create a  public perception of balance in its relationships with 
the U.S. and Iran.  Oman's security strategy of keeping a low 
public profile in general has been threatened by the attention 
brought by the NYT article, and the GoO is working to manage the 
message for the public.  End Comment. 
Schmierer.